Gig work, algorithmic control and resistance: A case of Uber drivers in Dhaka


Lutfun Lata, The University of Melbourne

The ‘gig’, ‘sharing’ or ‘platform’ economy has recently attracted increasing scholarly attention, particularly in how intermediary platforms build, connect and reconstruct the social relations among labourers, consumers and companies (Anwar and Graham, 2021; Lata et al., 2023; Rosenblat, 2018; Schor et al., 2023). There are several debates centred around the gig economy and its operation. On the one hand, researchers have pointed out the endless potential of the gig economy in solving any wicked problems that the 21st century cities are struggling with such as employment, transport and housing (Schor and Vallas, 2021). Scholars also claim that the gig economy can offer ample employment opportunities for lower-income groups offering them jobs in transport and courier sectors (Cannon and Summers, 2014; Holtum et al., 2022). On the other hand, several studies reveal social and economic inequalities are exacerbated in various features of the gig economy (Rosenblat, 2018; Holtum et al., 2022; Schor and Vallas, 2021). For example, the high proportions of highly educated part time (versus full time) workers on these platforms get the advantage of better earnings than their counterparts – those without college degrees, who used to previously dominate cleaning and driving sectors (Schor and Vallas, 2021). Critics have further pointed out the problematic features of algorithmic management that has shifted managerial responsibilities from humans to machines (Aloisi, 2017; Aloisi and De Stefano, 2022; Wood et al., 2019; Veen et al., 2022). New platforms such as Uber, Pathao, Didi, Deliveroo, Menulog, and DoorDash utilise digital surveillance to monitor workers through their smartphones and mobile devices. While the price contours of algorithmic regimes vary according to the type of platform, in all cases, this management strategy has reduced the gig workers’ agency to resist or challenge the rules established by these firms (Holtum et al., 2022). Despite criticisms of the gig economy, across the Global South governments have encouraged digitalisation and the spread of the gig economy with the hope that it would generate more employment opportunities for workers (Rani et al., 2022). This is particularly important given the fact that the vast majority of workers are engaged in the informal sector in the Global South (OECD, 2023). Despite the challenges gig workers face while working in the gig economy, like other Global South countries, Bangladesh has stepped into using digital platforms. The ridesharing business in Bangladesh has amassed 260 million USD to the digital platform economy with 6 million rides in each month (Khatun et al., 2021). With the rise of the platform capital, the gig economy in Bangladesh has gained an exponential growth in the last decade. Bangladesh’s platform-based gig economy got its momentum in 2016, with the arrival of Uber. However, like other countries, the ‘contract workers’ model is predominant in Bangladesh. Recently, the ride sharing drivers have started protesting ride sharing platforms’ policies including low wages by forming an online workers’ union known as Dhaka Ride-Sharing Drivers Union (DRDU). Within this context, this paper explores how Uber drivers in Dhaka exercise agency to earn and sustain their livelihoods. Uber drivers not only experience extortion by Uber, but they also face various challenges, such as precarious working conditions and algorithmic control of their activities. All these factors constrain Uber drivers’ autonomy and bargaining power. Consequently, Uber drivers have fewer opportunities to exercise their agency, especially in a country like Bangladesh, where many workers are involved in the informal economy and low paid jobs. The regulatory practices are not in favour of Uber drivers either. Within this context, drawing on in-depth interviews with 27 Uber drivers and one Focus Group Discussion with members of the Dhaka ride sharing Drivers’ Union, this paper contributes to the literature on gig work and resistance showing how Uber drivers are able to utilise both covert and overt resistance strategies to protest against ride-sharing platforms like Uber.

This paper will be presented at the following session: