(AIS4a) Gendered Islamophobia Theory & Resistance I: Operations of Systemic Islamophobia

Friday Jun 21 11:00 am to 12:30 pm (Eastern Daylight Time)
Trottier Building - ENGTR 1080

Session Code: AIS4a
Session Format: Présentations
Session Language: Anglais, français
Research Cluster Affiliation: Anti-Islamophobia Subcommittee
Session Categories: Séances Sur Place

Systemic Islamophobia, in its various intersections with other forms of marginalization, varies in its operations. In this session, participants will critically reflect on scholarship, research, and community organizing that uncovers the ways in which Islamophobia operates systematically and is experienced by individuals and communities. This session will have a specific focus on the legislation and restriction of Muslims’ bodies, dress, and practice in the Canadian context.


The Islamic holiday of Eid-ul-Adha is expected to fall between June 16-18, 2024. For this reason, the sessions organized by the Sub-Committee on Islamophobia are taking place on June 20-21, 2024. Tags: Égalité et Inégalité, Féminisme, Race et ethnicité

Organizers: Ayesha Mian Akram, University of Calgary, Nadiya Ali, Trent University, Nooreen Hussain, York University, Rashmee Karnad-Jani, Public Scholar; Chair: Roshan Arah Jahangeer, York University

Presentations

Aida Al-Thayabeh, OISE (University of Toronto)

The Intersecting Roots of Anti-Black Racism and Anti-Muslim Racism in Educational Discourse

This project critically engages with the complex intersections of anti-Black racism and anti-Muslim racism in Canadian educational settings. Rooted in critical race theory, post-colonial theory, and decolonial perspectives, the analysis emphasizes the centrality of colonialism and white supremacy in understanding and dismantling systemic oppression. The interconnected histories of racism, particularly anti-Black and anti-Muslim forms, are explored, highlighting their deeply intertwined nature and the compounded challenges faced by individuals identifying as both Muslim and Black. The examination of racism in Canada brings attention to the layered discrimination experienced by Black Muslims, underlining the compounding effects of systemic biases such as anti-Black racism, Islamophobia, and misogyny. Furthermore, the project addresses the disproportionate targeting of Black and Muslim communities by police information-gathering practices, emphasizing the urgent need for systemic change. A crucial aspect of this project is the exploration of the roots of anti-Muslim racism, delving into Islams historical centrality and its role as a conduit of innovations across the Old World. The historical context, particularly in Al-Andalus, is examined to uncover the origins of racism, xenophobia, and discrimination (Maldonado-Torres, 2014). This created animosity towards Muslims and Islam translated into the association of Islam and Muslims with Black and dark-skinned people. These historical events embedded notions of inferiority and othering into the psyche of Black and dark-skinned peoples that fostered an “us versus them” mentality, which would later manifest itself into Orientalist ideology (Rana, 2011; Said, 1979). To understand the significance of this influence, one must turn to Edward Said’s (1979) ground-breaking book, Orientalism, which sheds light on how Europe/West constructed narratives that positioned the Orient (East) in opposition to the Occident (West). Said (1979) describes Orientalism “as a relationship of power, of domination, of varying degrees of complex hegemony.” Orientalism is not just a political ideology but a belief system embedded into the social fabric of society, institutions, and structural systems. It is “because of Orientalism the Orient was not (and is not) free subject of thought or action.” The process of “othering” was a central aspect of Orientalism, perpetuating stereotypes, racial tropes, and racial hierarchy. By perpetuating the “other,” colonial powers reinforced the separation of Blackness from Islam, Africa from Islam, and Blackness from Arabness. In the 1900s, the French crafted the concept of Islam Noir, which propagated the notion that Black African Muslims were lesser-than or tainted with animist practices compared to the purportedly pure practices of Arab (light-skinned) Muslims (Ware, 2014; Quist-Adade and Dodoo, 2015). These divisions and hierarchies served to maintain colonial dominance and control over the region’s diverse populations. In addition, Western imperialism played a significant role in reinforcing power dynamics between the West and the East, Muslims and non-Muslims, Black Africans, and dark-skinned peoples. The historical impact of white Euro-Christian dominance over the Orient during the 19th and 20th centuries cannot be understated. Politically, socially, and militarily, the influence of European powers had profound implications on the perception and construction of cultural identities in the region. To address anti-Muslim racism through an anti-Black racism lens, the project proposes that educators critically examine their perspectives and disrupt the pervasive norms of white supremacy within the education system. It advocates for a shift in language and communication strategies as essential steps toward dismantling embedded racist ideologies. The project encourages educators to engage in uncomfortable yet necessary conversations, fostering an environment that challenges the norms of white supremacy and contributes to the dismantling of systemic racism in education.

Negin Mohaghegh Harandi, University of Ottawa

Gender, Race, and the Law: Quebec's Bill 21 and the state regulation of Muslim women's bodies

Bill 21, referred to as “Quebecs Act Respecting the Laicity of the State” is the most recent legislation aimed at prohibiting the wearing of headscarves and face-veils. It bans individuals who wear religious symbols from working in many positions in public service such as police officers, teachers, crown prosecutors, lawyers and notaries contracted by the government or provincial ministry, members and heads of the government commissions and arbitrators. Also, according to this law, people must uncover their faces for identification and security reasons to receive and provide public services including health care. Qubec’s Bill 21 appears neutral on the surface and does not explicitly mention Muslim women or the hijab. However, human rights and women’s rights organizations in Quebec contend that the legislation disproportionately affects Muslim women by restricting their rights to equality and freedom of religion, excluding them from secure and stable work, and preventing them from fully participating in Quebec society (Canadian Civil Liberties Association, n.d.; Womens Legal Education and Action Fund, 2021). In this presentation, I argue that Quebec’s Bill 21 is a simultaneously gendering and racializing practice that extends beyond a mere regulatory tool aimed at restricting Muslim women from wearing religious clothing. I aim to explore the ways Bill 21, as a gendering and racializing practice, shapes its own versions of the truth about the identities of Muslim women and their place within the nation. This presentation focuses on the dual role of Bill 21 not only in shaping a particular narrative about Muslim women’s identities but also in defining the Quebecoise nation as a “secular”, “neutral” and “gender-equal” entity while drawing boundaries between those deemed as the “original citizens” and those identified as the “outsiders”. By reviewing the political debates and statements prior to the passage of Bill 21, I argue Bill 21, as a racializing gendered practice, constructs the identities of Muslim women as “oppressed” individuals lacking agency and in need of liberation. At the same time, it proposes that while signs and symbols of Catholicism are considered as national heritage, the dressing of Muslim women is perceived as a threat to Quebec’s laicity and the principle of gender equality. Additionally, I will highlight the importance of incorporating “race” into the analysis of the experiences of Muslim women. Historically, White feminism has often displayed a tendency to either ignore the voices and experiences of Muslim women or perpetuate negative colonial stereotypes about Muslim women being “passive” victims of their “backward” cultures. Thus, there has not been sufficient effort within feminism and socio-legal studies to unpack how anti-veiling laws, such as Quebec’s Bill 21, function as racialized gendered practices and regulate the bodies of Muslim women. I argue that White feminism has not adequately centred its analysis around “race” and the experiences of women of colour, particularly Muslim women who, since the aftermath of 9/11, have been subjected to intensified control and surveillance policies in Western societies.

Rachel Rammal, McGill University

Bill 21 Unveiled: Exploring the laicity debate through video content analysis

La Coalition Avenir Québec (CAQ) a remporté les élections au Québec avec un engagement central de laïciser les institutions québécoises. Cela a abouti à ladoption de la Loi 21 le 17 juin 2019, une législation sans précédent au Canada qui interdit aux employés du secteur public de porter des symboles religieux en service. La décision, touchant divers rôles tels que les agents de la paix, les juges, les enseignants, les fonctionnaires, les avocats et les notaires, a généré dimportantes polarisations au Québec et au Canada. Cette étude utilise une analyse de contenu vidéo des sessions parlementaires de lAssemblée Nationale du Québec pour évaluer de manière exhaustive les principes sous-tendant la Loi 21. Lanalyse se concentre sur quatre principes clés : 1) la séparation de lÉtat et des religions ; 2) la neutralité religieuse de lÉtat ; 3) légalité de tous les citoyens ; et 4) la liberté de conscience et de religion. Retraçant lhistoire de la réforme laïque au Canada, la recherche met en évidence lenracinement du laïcisme occidental dans la doctrine chrétienne. Les perspectives de sociologies et chercheurs en habillement sont exploitées pour encadrer les hypothèses sur le jugement professionnel, lhabillement religieux et les hiérarchies vestimentaires inhérentes exprimées lors des audiences parlementaires par divers acteurs politiques. Lanalyse explore également comment la législation contribue à la marginalisation des communautés religieuses minoritaires, en particulier les femmes musulmanes voilées. Lanalyse de contenu révèle la persistance dune idéologie féministe universelle derrière la rhétorique du voile en tant quoppression, les déclarations sur légalité des sexes suggérant fréquemment des préconceptions sur lagence des femmes musulmanes et les frontières nationales. De plus, lors des sessions parlementaires, ceux en faveur du projet de loi 21 ont présenté le projet comme un effort de modernisation, sinspirant de la philosophie des Lumières et encadrant la laïcité et la neutralité comme un "contrat social." Il est important de noter que lanalyse de contenu révèle des opinions idéologiques plutôt que des données empiriques motivant le projet de loi. Elle souligne lurgence de comprendre les risques auxquels sont confrontés les individus religieux minoritaires avant et après ladoption de la législation, notamment comment une telle législation peut donner license à la violence et à la discrimination. Cette étude encourage une approche nuancée et fondée sur des preuves pour aborder les complexités de la Loi 21 et ses impacts sociologiques sur les libertés religieuses et les droits individuels.

Abeer Mirza, University of Toronto

Manifestations of Anti-Muslim racism within Canadian Case Law

An overview of relevant case law across Canada suggests there is a dearth of studies that critically examine how Muslims are impacted by case law due to barriers to justice. Since tribunals and courts including the supreme court of Canada approach Muslim claimants as abstract, isolated individuals whose narratives are unconnected to the narratives of their larger communities, there exists a dire need for social context analysis for human rights adjudication. This presentation stems from assertions in literature on the experiences of systemic islamophobia faced by Muslim children and youth (specifically Muslim boys and young men) in educational institutions and other federal agencies such as children’s aid society, and how the law can sometimes become a vehicle for the implementation of anti-Muslim racism. The presentation seeks to contribute to this gap through an examination of case law and legal narratives, focusing on selected cases of Muslim individuals who turned to the law for remedy, in order to direct attention towards the urgent need for research and policy initiatives regarding barriers facing Muslim communities who seek justice in Canada. This examination of case law will demonstrate the relationship between justice and law’s impartiality on whether the law treats individuals equally regardless of social markers. Embedded in a qualitative research design, this presentation will discuss findings from Canadian case law to demonstrate how the law has been a tool for the eradication or implementation of anti-Muslim racism, stressing upon the need for institutional trustworthiness scholarship into access to justice analysis within Canadian Muslim communities.