(FEM1c) Feminist Sociology III: Feminist Interventions in Theory and Practice

This session brings together papers which explore the theoretical and political limitations and potentials of feminist thought and activism. Tags: Equality and Inequality, Feminism

Organizers: Sonia D'Angelo, York University, Linda Christiansen-Ruffman, Saint Mary’s University, Ronnie Joy Leah, Athabasca University; Chairs: Linda Christiansen-Ruffman, Saint Mary’s University, Sonia D'Angelo, York University

Presentations

Shabnoor Nabi, University of Toronto

On the Question of Postcolonial lens in Historical and Feminist Sociology: What does it reveal and what does it conceal?

The dominant gender and development frameworks, including classic modernization, developmental idealism, and human capital model, claim a positive relationship between women’s educational attainment and their overall socio-economic power elevation via greater female labor force participation. The gradual extension of this neoliberal discourse into the sphere of western feminism and its agenda for the global South has rendered women’s pursuit of education and employment as a marker of progress and modernity. For instance, the ‘girl-ing’ of development and ascending Western investment in education and entrepreneurial campaigns in the low-income countries of the global South valorizes neoliberal scripts of individualism, consumerism, choice, wellbeing, and entrepreneurial identity, such that women following these scripts are considered modern and successful, whereas the rest are considered as victims of structural and cultural oppression (Eisenstein 2010; Harris 2004; Mohanty 2003; Khoja-Moolji 2018). Accordingly, progressiveness and modernity in terms of education and paid labor in the neoliberal feminism’s agenda for the global South seems to have been redefined in a way that presumes reorganization of gendered norms and domains as its default effect. However, the fact that this mostly resonates with observed trends in high-income countries of the global North suggests underlying workings of very different socio-political rationalities in postcolonial nations. Indeed, postcolonial feminist theorists recurrently highlight how it is the racialized Muslim woman/girl subject of the ‘troubled’ and ‘crisis-stricken’ developing countries of the global South that frequently gets presented within the neoliberal feminist discourse as the epitome of ‘wasted’ resource in need of rescue. Following the production of this binary girl-subject, stripped from its socio-political subjectivities, key postcolonial theorists argue for the need of sociology to adopt a postcolonial lens with interconnected histories framework in order to shift its focus from essentializing and hybridizing categorizations to interactional understanding of social relations, historical processes, and practices across multiple spaces. While I do find value in connected histories framework, I argue that its proposed application as part of the call for a ‘postcolonial’ sociology continues to put us at the risk of analytical elisions and bifurcations. Following this theoretical lacuna, I extend Julian Go’s (2013) interconnected histories approach to analyze gender relations in the context of a postcolonial Islamic nation-state of Pakistan. I particularly show how distinct conceptions of postcolonial Pakistani nation and nationalism pave(d) way for a whole new set of power relations and hierarchies surrounding religion, nation-state, and gender order. In doing so, I highlight the reasons why historical and feminist sociology’s self-reflection as a counter strategy to the call for adopting a postcolonial lens may not suffice in undoing the implicit primacy of the West and elision of colonial understandings and relations. I ultimately suggest the need of a renewed postcolonial lens that not only incorporates interconnected histories (presuming co-constituting anticolonial consciousness), but also the associated semiotics of the internal national politics in redefining the conceptions of postcolonial gender order, modernity, and development. This is what I present as key to a high-yielding postcolonial (feminist) sociology that can unravel and relocate the elided relations and experiences within the historical processes of concept formations.

Molly Heaney-Corns, University of Victoria

Evolving Perspectives: Unpacking Young Men's Perspectives on Feminism

It is generally accepted that the relationship between men and feminism has gone through various iterations throughout history. When considering the complex relationship between men and feminism by virtue of their gender identity, it is evident that men occupy a unique role in feminist activism and allyship (Holmgren and Hearn 2009). Specifically, they exist as both objects of critique, due to their roles as perpetrators of gender inequality, as well as subjects who experience inequality as a result of oppressive gender norms dictated by the same patriarchal structure that oppresses women (Holmgren and Hearn 2009). When the organized feminist movement initially emerged in North America in the early 1900s, it was met with significant backlash from men who felt that they were being pushed out of their traditional gender roles (Messner 2016). However, this initial emotional response has since evolved in some spaces. As feminist movements in North America have continued to develop in the decades following, men’s emotional response to feminism has shifted to reflect social trends (Messner 2016). Research has indicated that from the late 1990s onward, while the majority of men in North America would not take up the label of feminist, they would sympathize with many issues that are addressed by feminist movements, thus signifying a shift in men’s relationship to feminism in North America (Brod and Kaufman 1994, Kimmel 2010). This is often attributed to generations becoming progressively more liberal following the women’s movement, and by virtue of increased access to education, more widespread liberal values, and awareness of social issues (Bettencourt, Vacha-Haase and Bryne 2011). Hence, younger generations may not have the same resistance to change as older generations (Bettencourt et al 2011). However, while scholars argue that generations are progressively becoming more inclusive, and thus more accepting of feminism, there is a need to test this theory through research (Bettencourt et al 2011, Brod and Kaufman 1994, Kimmel 2010). This research delves into the perspectives of 13 young men enrolled at the University of Victoria, exploring their perceptions of feminism. Through semi-structured interviews, men discussed in depth their perspectives on feminism in an attempt to explore whether men have become more progressive, and thus more likely to support feminism, over time. The data reveals that this sample of young men commonly reflected comfort in discussing past waves of feminism and appreciation for feminist ideas, but expressed hesitation at the prospect of self-labelling as feminists. Often, men noted this hesitation stemmed from a lack of certainty over the correct way to perform allyship, as well as fear of backlash from other men for straying from prescribed gender norms. Thus, the results of this study support prior research demonstrating that men’s responses to feminism do not exist as two polarized destinations of positive or negative, but rather they exist on and around a continuum of relationships between men, feminism, society and so forth (Holmgren and Hearn 2009). However, the results of this study also suggest that within this sample, young men also demonstrate a similar tension highlighted in earlier research wherein men are increasingly comfortable with feminism in concept, but not willing to identify as feminists (Brod and Kaufman 1994). While men commonly identified as feeling uncomfortable identifying as feminists, they also expressed a desire to be better allies. Thus, this research contributes to existing literature exploring the interplay of power dynamics and privilege in allyship, shedding light on the complex interactions between individual perceptions, societal influences, and prevailing norms. As sociologists and society more generally look to foster more equitable futures, there is value in understanding nuance in categories of privilege, and how those who experience privilege feel mobilized to engage in allyship to build a better future.

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Non-presenting author: Steve Garlick, University of Victoria

Milan Kang, York University

Building Solidarity Between Feminists for Comprehensive Anti-Discrimination Legislation in South Korea

In August 2021, an interview with renowned feminist and philosopher Judith Butler in Kyunghyang Shinmun, a major Seoul newspaper, sparked a significant controversy in South Korea. This event underscored the deep societal divides over LGBTQ+ rights and gender equality, and the Justice Ministrys reaction to Butlers critique of domestic partnership legislation brought the intense political and societal struggle for gender and sexual rights into sharp focus. This controversy provides a relevant context for this studys exploration of these dynamics within South Korea. This research aims to explore the intricate dynamics among diverse feminist factions in South Korea, focusing on their collective efforts toward advocating for anti- discrimination legislation. This study seeks to uncover factors hindering legislative progress and aims to assist future activists in policy-making and discourse coordination. This paper’s ultimate goal is facilitating solidarity among feminist groups, contributing to the successful enactment of comprehensive anti-discrimination laws. The paper examines contemporary feminist movements, including the "Escape the Corset" and "4B movements," which challenge patriarchal norms and societal expectations. Additionally, the rise of Trans-Exclusionary Radical Feminism (TERF) in Korea highlights the urgent need for inclusive feminist solidarity. Theoretical insights from Judith Butler, Chandra Talpade Mohanty, and Korean feminist scholars such as Hee-Jeong Son, Hyeon-Young Kwon Kim, and Hee-Jin Jeong, inform the analysis of gender, sexuality, and sexual orientation discourse since 2007, particularly post--#---MeToo movement. These insights offer a critical lens for understanding the fluid gender politics in South Korea. Historically, the feminist movement in South Korea has been shaped by significant events and social changes. The abolition of the Hoju system (Hojuje) in 2008, a family registry system rooted in Confucian patriarchal norms, marked a pivotal victory against gender inequality. The rise of womens studies education, led by institutions like Ewha Womans University in the 1970s and the subsequent proliferation of gender and womens studies across major universities, played a crucial role in the academic and social recognition of feminist discourse. Throughout the late 20th and early 21st centuries, milestones such as the Korean Womens Congress, the disabled womens movement, and the Queer Culture Festival signified the growing scope and intersectionality of feminist activism in South Korea. Despite these advancements, challenges persisted, particularly in integrating the concerns of marginalized groups within the broader feminist agenda. By interweaving diverse theoretical frameworks and historical insights, this paper aims to uncover strategies for fostering cooperation among feminist groups. This integrated approach is vital for understanding the complexities within the feminist movement and achieving objectives such as comprehensive anti-discrimination legislation. The study highlights the critical role of cooperation and inclusivity in advancing the feminist agenda in South Korea. In conclusion, this research underscores the necessity of intersectionality within advocacy efforts among mainstream feminists, younger feminists, and queer feminist groups. Reflecting on historical movements, from the June Democracy Movement to the post-# #MeToo era, is crucial in forging a united and strategic approach toward equality. These diverse feminist groups must offer clear policy recommendations and engage in continuous dialogue and joint activism to address a spectrum of identities and experiences. Further empirical research is recommended to evaluate these strategies impact and efficacy, ensuring adaptability and refinement. Situating South Koreas struggle within a global context highlights the universal nature of these challenges and the potential for international solidarity in dismantling femicide and homo/transphobia.

Jihyun Cheung, Independent

Womad Manifesto: Challenging maternal feminism in South Korea

The research considers the emergence of two radical feminist movements in South Korea as antithetical to traditional feminist movements, Womad (an abbreviation for Women in Nomad) and TERFs (Trans-Exclusionary Radical Feminists). Data was obtained for these case studies from movement websites and Facebook pages. Womad is a radical online feminist movement and group advocating for women’s rights. Their highly effective online strategies, such as ‘mirroring’, and their methods of organizing public rallies attracted substantial media attention. TERFs persist in their desire to exert influence within the contemporary women’s movement. When a femicide occurred at Gangnam Subway Station in May 2016, young women part of this movement engaged in mourning the victims of gender-based violence, both in digital spaces and in the physical world. Unlike, Womad, TERFs’ organizational structure disregards the importance of anonymity, a key value for members of Womad. The research findings indicate that while different, Womad and TERFs utilize radical feminist thought as an ideological resource, and their politics coalesce through their opposition to traditional feminist politics. Generally, these young radical feminists do not support or associate themselves with any other activist movements in South Korea. Social justice activism, including and beyond gender concerns, is interpreted from a radical lens, arguing that inter-movement solidarity will lead to the erasure of women. Activists who attempt to align themselves with other forms of feminist activism are sometimes derogatorily referred to as “kkwon-chung,” a phrase that refers to leftists as insects. In a similar vein, young radical feminists oppose traditional forms of feminism directed by on maternal interests and concerns. Both conservative and progressive feminists in South Korea regard motherhood as a key element of women’s identity. Being a mother, especially to a son, grants her a feeling of authority and influence. Conversely, Womad completely rejects the concept of family and instead uses the term “yu-chung” to describe a male infant, signifying a young worm. While traditional feminists attempt to diminish influence of young radical feminists, many young women declare not to marry men and reject being a mother. “Non-marriage confirmation” is a form of action aimed at challenging maternal feminism in South Korea.