(ENV1d) Environmental Sociology IV
Wednesday Jun 19 3:30 pm to 5:00 pm (Eastern Daylight Time)
Trottier Building - ENGTR 2120
Session Code: ENV1d
Session Format: Paper Presentations
Session Language: English
Research Cluster Affiliation: Environmental Sociology
Session Categories: In-person Session
This session invited papers applying sociological perspectives to the study of environmental issues, and environmental sociological analyses of societal issues. In the midst of a global social movement cohering around the climate crisis, political and socio-economic debates over extractive industries, and related policy discussions, there exists opportunities for sociologists to contribute to understandings of the environment as a social construct, a political entity, a physical place/space, a component of social structure, and more. Tags: Environment
Organizer: Ken Caine, University of Alberta; Chair: Ken Caine, University of Alberta
Presentations
Erin Flanagan, York University
The adverse effects of climate change are already apparent with action required to forestall a full blown climate catastrophe. Despite findings that social democratic welfare states – Denmark, Finland, Norway and Sweden – more proactively respond to climate change through environmental policies that complement public policies promoting economic and social security, even these eco-social welfare state environmental policies are unlikely to avert a climate catastrophe. To avert a catastrophe will require gaining public control over energy policy and countering the power and influence of fossil-extracting industries. In theory, this could be accomplished through existing policy instruments. In reality, it may require establishment of a post-capitalist eco-socialist state, the outlines of which remain uncertain even among leading eco-socialist scholars. To effect either of these paths will require public awareness and support for such action. To that end, we identify public discourses of climate change which reflect these two ways forward as well as four other means of responding to climate change: (1) individual responsibility; (2) local action; (3) technocratic solution; (4) public policy advocacy; (5) balancing power in society; and (6) establishing a post-capitalist society. Despite the latter two discourses being the most likely to support effective action, they are the most marginalized.
Non-presenting author: Dennis Raphael, York University
Lisa Seiler, York University
Parenthood status and climate policy support
Does parenthood increase support of climate policies? A green parenthood effect is theorized, suggesting that parents may display pro-environmental attitudes and behaviours, but evidence has been mixed (Shrum et al. 2023). This corresponds with the various forces at work on parents. On the one hand, parents have a responsibility to their children and future generations or a desire to leave a legacy (Wade-Benzoni and Tost 2009; Shrum et al. 2023). On the other hand, day-to-day pressures leave parents short on time and money to engage in more time-consuming or expensive pro-environmental behaviours (Thomas et al. 2018). Few studies have looked at the relationship between parenthood and environmental policy support. Even fewer have looked at climate change and climate policy support. Results of an earlier study suggested that there was a link between parenthood and climate policy support in Canada (Seiler and Stalker 2023). In the present paper, we further analyze the results of a Canada-wide survey to identify mechanisms influencing parental interest in climate change. Shrum et al. (2023) asked for further research into whether gender, socioeconomic status, political orientation, or other factors moderate the green parenthood effect. It has long been noted that there is a gendered aspect to environmentalism. According to the safety concerns hypothesis, females tend to display greater environmental concern than males when the environmental issue is related to health and safety (Davidson and Freudenberg 1996; Xiao and McCright 2012). This is due to greater perception of risk, per the gendered risk perception hypothesis (Bord and O’Connor 1997; Xiao and McCright 2012). Climate change has been less of an immediate threat, however, so evidence relating to climate change is inconclusive (Xiao and McCright 2012). The parental roles hypothesis expects that mothers will be more concerned about the environment and fathers will be more concerned about economic issues (Davidson and Freudenburg 1996; Blocker and Eckberg 1997). More recently, fathers in Sweden were shown to worry more about climate change than other males (Ekholm 2020). Evidence of a gendered relationship to climate policy support in Canada is mixed (Davidson and Haan 2012; Rhodes, Axsen, and Jaccard 2017; Kitt et al. 2021; Seiler and Stalker 2023). Socioeconomic status similarly has generated conflicting results concerning environmental and climate policy support. Lower socioeconomic status, like the female gender, could lead to a greater feeling of vulnerability (Slovic 1999; Xiao and McCright 2012), and hence, support for climate policies. Higher socioeconomic status has been associated with greater willingness to pay for environmental policies that were related to ability to pay (Kotchen et al. 2013) but also greater energy use (Poortinga et al. 2004). Neither education nor income has been consistently predictive of climate policy support. Political orientation, on the other hand, has been a strong predictor of climate policy support in the United States (Leiserowitz 2006; McCright et al. 2013; Goldberg et al. 2020). Conceptualized both as political ideology and political party support, the former has been found to be more relevant in the global context (Cruz 2017) whereas the latter has been more relevant in the US context (Xiao and McCright 2012). In Canada, Conservatives have been found to be more likely to oppose climate policy (Rhodes et al. 2017; Seiler and Stalker 2023). Our quantitative analysis considers the above and other factors as potential modifiers of the relationship between parenthood and climate policy support in Canada.
Non-presenting author: Glenn Stalker, York University
Kutay Kutlu, York University
Turkey has pursued an aggressive developmentalist policy throughout the 2000s, involving various infrastructure projects and construction-based growth throughout the country. However, some of these projects have drawn environmentalist critiques and met with grassroots resistance, epitomized by the Gezi Park protests of 2013, which started as a protest to preserve an urban green space in Istanbul, eventually spreading across the whole country. In the face of this legitimacy crisis, the governing party felt the need to reinstate its hegemony through adopting various green populist discourses consisting of various constructions of what constitutes ‘genuine environmentalism’. This paper will focus on these discourses used by Turkeys governing party to construct a public image of itself as the entity truly representing green values, instead of the ecological activists. It will benefit from a variety of sources such as books authored by bureaucrats and prominent figures from Turkeys government, policy documents, official statements, and news reports. This paper finds that the first aspect of Turkeys governing party’s green populism is referring to services aimed at improving services in fields such as urban environmental quality, waste management, and water management to present itself as genuinely green. President Recep Tayyip Erdogan refers to the efforts during his term as Mayor of Istanbul back in the 1990s, along with actions of subsequent mayors from his party, as signals of genuine environmentalism. In this context, built environments such as parks or recreational areas in urban spaces are cited as being evidential of the government’s environmentalism, notwithstanding the fact that some of these being already existing forested areas in the peripheries of the cities that are redeveloped into parks. Secondly, Turkey’s governing party, particularly through First Lady Emine Erdogan’s initiative, have launched “The Zero Waste Project”, aimed at reducing waste generation. The project is promoted in not only national, but also international circles and summits. In 2023, the United Nations Secretary General has announced the establishment an Advisory Board on Zero Waste, with Emine Erdogan acting as the Chair. Thirdly, Turkey’s government promotes tree planting campaigns, boasting about the record number of saplings planted across the country. These campaigns serve a dual purpose. On the one hand, the government is able to mobilize masses through constructing an understanding of environmental citizenship. On the other hand, these campaigns are aimed at generating the perception that deforestation caused by large-scale infrastructural projects are compensated for through afforestation in other locations. Fourthly, the government also grounds its environmentalism through cultural and religious references. These discourses are oriented around the argument that according to the Islamic faith, the environment has been entrusted to humans. Thus, the governing party, embodying a conservative stance, claims that they are inherently environmentalist by virtue of their commitment to traditional Islamic values. The governing party also appeals to Ottoman Empire legacy, which according to them also involves demonstrating special care to environmental cleanliness and preservation of trees, water resources, and natural species. However, a closer look at the governments policies reveals that far from being genuinely addressed, most environmental problems have been dislocated at most to rural geographies, with their impacts being even further aggravated over time. Results from Yale Universitys Environmental Performance Index (EPI) demonstrate that even though Turkey fares relatively better by means of environmental health, the country lags far behind regarding ecosystem vitality and climate policy. This illustrates that the ecological footprint of urban activities is dislocated to the countryside through infrastructures such as power plants and dams. One should also bear in mind that the environmental health data mainly relies on official measurements regarding air and water pollution, and that studies point to lack of effectiveness in government monitoring in these fields. Experts also dispute the impact of Turkey’s waste management and afforestation efforts. All things considered, this paper concludes that even though Turkey’s government attempts to portray itself as having a genuinely environmentalist agenda, the country’s environmental performance suggests that the officials’ constructions of environmentalism amount little more than populist discourses aimed at retaining legitimacy in the face of ecological dissent.
Naeleh Motamedi, Laurentian
Social Factors Inhibiting the Purchase of Electric Cars in Canada
This paper critically examines the intricate social factors influencing the adoption of electric vehicles (EVs) in Canada. Despite global environmental awareness and government incentives, constraints persist, necessitating a comprehensive understanding of these factors. The automotive industrys transition towards environmentally friendly options underscores the urgency of unraveling the complexities of social dynamics impeding widespread EV adoption. The primary objective of this paper is to meticulously identify and analyze the social factors such as, age, gender, education, income, occupation, and ethnicity that hinder the broad adoption of electric vehicles in Canada. Drawing on comprehensive data from surveys conducted by KPMG, Statista, and Statistics Canada, the research aims to provide nuanced insights into the countrys progression towards electric vehicle adoption. Notably, the year 2020 witnessed Canadian auto dealers selling 66,815 EVs, a significant increase from the 46,882 sold in 2019, signaling a pronounced shift in consumer preferences. To achieve this objective, data was gathered from extensive surveys conducted by KPMG, Statista, and Statistics Canada, capturing the perspectives of Canadian residents from diverse backgrounds. The surveys aimed to understand the factors influencing EV adoption, focusing on preferences, concerns, and the need for additional research to address consumer hesitations. The broad geographical and social diversity of the respondents ensured a comprehensive representation of the Canadian population. The electric vehicle landscape in Canada is undergoing a transformative shift, with 71% of Canadians actively considering electric cars for their next purchase. Millennials, in particular, exhibit a strong inclination, with over 75% contemplating the switch to electric vehicles. However, significant challenges and reservations persist. A notable 79% of respondents emphasize the importance of a 400-km driving range, and 64% express concerns about the reliability of electric cars during harsh Canadian winters. Furthermore, 51% prioritize fast and efficient charging infrastructure, expecting service times of less than 20 minutes at public charging stations. The preliminary results underscore the critical need for sustained research and widespread information dissemination. Remarkably, 90% of Canadians acknowledge the necessity for in-depth exploration before committing to an electric car purchase, highlighting the complexity of decision-making in this transformative context. This study provides profound insights into the intricate social factors influencing the adoption of electric vehicles in Canada. Beyond the statistical findings, it delves into the nuanced perspectives and considerations of the Canadian populace. The identified challenges and opportunities offer a holistic understanding of the factors hindering widespread EV adoption. These insights are crucial for guiding the development of sustainable transportation policies and initiatives in Canada. Moreover, the practical guidance derived from this research serves as a valuable resource for policymakers, industry stakeholders, and advocates, facilitating the seamless integration of electric vehicles into the fabric of Canadian society. The study thus contributes a comprehensive exploration of social factors hindering EV adoption, offering valuable insights for future research and policy implementation.
Non-presenting author: Parveen Nangia, Lauretian